Regulations: Good or bad?

Update on my Jan. 28 column : The legislature is no longer considering a bill regulating changes in party affiliation prior to Idaho’s Presidential Primary this year.  

 Republicans fight big government.  

That hasn’t stopped them from creating laws that allow the state government to micromanage school curricula and budgeting and to dictate how much and how county  and city governments may collect revenue.  

And it certainly hasn’t stopped Republicans from crafting laws that give Idaho an incarceration rate roughly double that of Russia. Or from seeking ways to throw the roughly 1,500 Idaho women who get abortions each year into jails that we can’t afford to build. 

But just ask them–Republicans fight big government.    

Now, no one is going to say they’re happy that the price of a pair of Epipens which counteract life-threatening allergies has increased from $450 to $700 in five years.  

But many believe doing nothing is better than getting government involved. 

And no one is happy that 346 people died when two Boeing 737 MAX planes crashed within months of its release. 

But that doesn’t keep Republicans from advocating only self-regulation for industry. What could go wrong with pork processing plants policing themselves?        

 Leading the fight for deregulation are big corporations (aka big political donors) and minions like ALEC (which writes bills for state legislators) and the Idaho Freedom Foundation. 

So when House Minority leader Ilana Rubel introduced a bill with new regulations in mid-January, the Freedom Foundation gave it one of the lowest scores ever: -7. 

This bill, singled out as one of the terriblest of the terrible, would require daycare facilities to transport children “safely and legally, using child safety restraints as required by state law…”

It would require criminal background checks on all persons who regularly came in contact with the children at a daycare. 

And it would require day care operators to take 20 hours of training each year in subjects such as first aid and ‘pediatric rescue breathing.’ 

Well, you can be sure the Idaho House voted that bill down 23-44.  (Seven Canyon County representatives helped make that defeat possible–Greg Chaney, Robert Anderst, Rick Youngblood, Brent Crane, and Gary Collins.)

Day care operators were happy with the bill. Yet, 44 legislators fought the bill even after Rep. Rubel pointed out that Idaho stood to lose $2.5 million in federal support for the Idaho Childcare Program if our regulations weren’t updated.

Is it Federal money legislators don’t like–or kids? 

This is, after all, the same legislature that gives parents the final word on whether a child receives medical care and the right to choose husbands for 15-year-old daughters.

Now, a bill promoting new regulations is generating a Republican vs. Republican confrontation. 

Idaho billionaire–and major Republican donor–Frank VanderSloot has created the Idaho Patient Act, requiring doctors and medical facilities to make patient bills timely and clear–and to cap medical collection fees at $750, if contested, and $350 if not. 

Vandersloot cares because one of his employees was hit with $6,200 in collection fees on a $294 bill–which she had not received before it was turned over to a law firm for collection.  

And the manager of that law firm–Medical Recovery Services–is Rep. Bryan Zollinger, (R-Idaho Falls.)  He claims that the new regulation would force everyone’s medical bills up because doctors would just have to pay the cost of collection.    

Would doctors actually authorize $6200 in expenses to collect a $294 bill? 

Vandersloot’s bill will be introduced by powerful legislators–Jason Monks, assistant House majority leader, and Kelly Anthon, Senate majority caucus leader.  They cite the bill as a ‘reasonable solution’ to a ‘convoluted problem.’  

Will the pro- or anti-regulators win?  Stay tuned.  

Idaho election rules in flux

The moment political junkies around the country have been waiting for is less than a week away: Iowa voters will caucus on Monday, Feb. 3. New Hampshire,  Nevada, and South Carolina primaries will follow soon.    

Admittedly, this year Republicans won’t have a lot at stake in these contests.  Yet, there will be clues to how voters may think in November. Did suburban housewives select Democratic ballots? Was turnout among young voters as high or higher than in 2018?  Does it look like voters are ready for a woman president?   

.The deluge comes on Super Tuesday, March 3, when 14 states, including California,hold primaries.   

On Tuesday, March 10, six states–including Idaho–will cast ballots. Seven more states will vote before the end of the month. 

By March 31, we will know how nearly two-thirds of the Democratic convention delegates will vote on the first ballot. 

That hasn’t been true before because California–with its 415 regular delegates–has traditionally voted in June. (Idaho is allotted 20 delegates.)  

I’ve heard a lot of questions about the changes in Idaho’s election process this year–and it is complicated.  Here’s my best shot at the answers.

Are Idaho Democrats having a presidential primary or caucuses this year?  

Both–though the caucuses will not resemble the huge ones of 2008 and 2016.

The March 10 primary will determine how many supporters each candidate will get at the state convention.  In theory, up to six candidates may poll over the 15% required to earn delegates to the state convention. Barely a dozen Idaho counties, however, are allotted six or more delegates.  

Attendees at the county caucuses on Saturday, April 4, will divide according to the candidate they support and select delegate(s) to fill the slots at the state convention in June. The number of allotted delegates and the location of each county caucus are listed under 2020 primary elections at (Note: Arrive early; traditionally, doors close when caucussing begins.) 

Those at the state convention will elect Idaho’s 20 committed delegates to the National Democratic Convention.  

 What’s this about party affiliation?  Registration forms in Idaho now require voters to state their party preference–unaffiliated is an option. Parties may select which affiliations qualify voters to receive their ballots at the presidential primary in March and the general in May.

Republicans are very consistent; primary voters must be registered Republicans.

Democrats are all over the place. Democrats and unaffiliated voters may vote the Democratic ballot on March 10; only Democrats may participate in the caucuses; and any voter may select a Democratic ballot in the general primary. 

Current rules allow persons to change their party affiliation at the polls for the March 10 primary and at the Democratic delegate selection caucuses. Only those who affiliate with the Republican party on or before March 13 may vote in the Republican general primary. 

Any chance these rules will change soon?  

Definitely. A bill already in its third reading in the Idaho House  (HO 322) would require voters to change their party affiliation on or before the final day of candidate filing for an election.  For future presidential primaries that day would be mid-December. 

Unaffiliated voters could still select a party ballot when voting, but they would no longer be unaffiliated. Their ballot choice would become a matter of public record.         

The bill’s emergency clause would make the day the bill was signed the final day for changing affiliation prior to the March 10 primary.  

The form for changing party affiliation is available at  It can be mailed or emailed to your county clerk.

NLRB attacking worker rights

If you look at recent headlines, it appears workers are finally making progress.  

The 11-day strike strike by 25,000 Chicago teachers–hailed as the “longest in decades”–was framed as a fight to decrease the gap in services between rich and poor neighborhoods. The city will be hiring hundreds more social workers, nurses, and librarians; spending millions on reducing class sizes; and increasing teacher salaries 16 percent over the coming five years.  

After 40 days the 47,000 United Auto Workers at GM plants got a contract that gave most a six percent in wage increases, two lump sum payments, and great health insurance during the next four years. The lower wage-scale for workers hired after 2007 is being phased out–and General Motors is to invest $9 billion in its U.S. plants, upping workers’ job security.

Building on successful strikes by teachers in four states last April, the gains seem signs of a growing movement, the kind that “raises all boats.”  

A 30-page report issued in mid-October by the Economic Policy Institute, however, suggests they may instead be a “last hurrah.”  

The EPI itemizes changes in the National Labor Relations Board that threaten to end effective collective action by workers.  

The Board itself consists of five members and a general counsel. In addition there are 26 regional, plus 19 smaller, field offices. Usually, employers and unions take cases to a field office; the Board examines them for merit; and the general counsel presents them to a court. 

But that’s changing. Three board members and the general counsel–all Trump appointees–are former corporate lawyers experienced in representing employers. 

Now, if they don’t agree with court decisions, they formulate new rules themselves.  

One issue–allowing groups of employees with a “community of interest” to form a bargaining unit–had been upheld by courts of appeals eight times. 

Without seeking any public input, the Trump majority on the NLRB overturned the decisions.

It’s not done overnight–these men are lawyers–but they are working on major changes. 

The Board is narrowing those who may form unions. Uber drivers don’t qualify because they’re being classified as “independent contractors,” like the repairman that fixed your furnace last winter.  Students who work, as well as study, at private universities may not form unions either–but those at public universities may.   

The Board is cutting off communication methods for union advocates. Workers can be punished for discussing grievances in company lunchrooms and parking lots or through company email.  

Companies are getting broader rights. Walmart may retaliate against strikers who didn’t have a plan formalized by a bargaining organization which Walmart hasn’t allowed to exist. Companies may punish workers for some offenses without union interference. They may also change some contract provisions without notice. And, when a contract expires, they may change all provisions instead of honoring the old contract during ongoing negotiations.    

In addition, the NLRB general counsel is pushing the board to rule that if the majority of workers form a bargaining unit, it must represent all employees without requiring any payment in lieu of dues–basically, it’d be a national “right to work law” investigated and passed by three millionaires. 

(For more details on the report, visit and click the word “Unprecedented.”)

I imagine many Idahoans don’t care much about the elimination of rights they’ve never had. Today, after three decades as a right-to-work state, only one in every 20 Idaho workers belongs to a union. 

But life here is better because one in five workers in Washington gets union wages and benefits. Idaho employers compete to keep good workers. 

We may see that end.